Internet Use and Internet Communities
Simon Moreton
This section of the review begins by considering the way in which British policy addresses questions of connectivity at the macro/national level. These have been linked to discourse of competition, industry and market economics, and infrastructural provision. In particular the subject of the ‘user’ is seen as an economic actor, replete with skills to choose service providers, opt in or out of subscribing to a connection, and must have requisite knowledges to navigate Internet tools and research/choose different connectivity options.
Internet usage, economic growth and broadband infrastructure
The number of spaces wherein users can access and use ICT services have been extended thanks to the emergence of PDAs, smartphones and other mobile technologies. According to the Office of National Statistics (henceforth ONS, 2011), for example, 77 per cent of households had Internet access. They also claim that 45 per cent of Internet users used a mobile phone to connect to the Internet, and 6 million people accessed the Internet using their mobile phone for the first time in 2011. Furthermore, they observe that the use of wireless hotspots by members of the public almost doubled in the last 12 months to 4.9 million users.
The growth of the use of email, bulletinboards, chatrooms, text messaging, blogging, Facebook, twitter, tumblr and beyond to communicate and shape social and working lives is also of note. The following lengthy quote from the ONS encapsulates some statistics around how the internet is being used by those surveyed:
Social networking proved to be the most popular activity among 16 to 24 year old Internet users in 2011, with 91 per cent saying they took part in social networking on websites such as Facebook or Twitter. However, this was not an activity limited to the younger age groups, with almost one fifth (18 per cent) of Internet users aged 65 and over indicating that they participated in social networking.
Overall, social networking was more popular among women, at 60 per cent, than men, at 54 per cent. Internet Access - Households and Individuals, 31 August 2011. Men were more likely to participate in professional networking over sites such as LinkedIn in 2011, with 16 per cent of male Internet users having used this online facility compared to just 9 per cent of women. It was most popular among those aged 25 to 34, with 18 per cent using these sites. Using the Internet to sell goods or services, for example via auction sites such as eBay, saw large growth in 2011. Over 12 million people, at 31 per cent of Internet users, sold goods or services online, compared to 7.9 million (21 per cent) in 2010. Just under half of those aged 25 to 34 (45 per cent) used the Internet for this activity.
Just over one in five (21 per cent) Internet users made telephone or video calls online in 2011. This activity is one which is not dominated by a specific age group, with older age groups showing similar patterns of use to the younger age groups. Of those aged 65 and over, 17 per cent used this technology, compared to 22 per cent of those under 24. (ONS, 2011 pp. 4 - 5)
These statistics emphasise the growing use of ICTs and, moreover, an increased demand for improved infrastructure in a growing market. One of the notable responses from the current UK government has been the rolling out of a policy to support the improvement of high-speed broadband infrastructure in the UK. This policy has been couched within a rhetoric of improving economic growth. By supporting commercial providers to improve broadband infrastructure in areas where there is limited provision:
The UK Government’s objective of stimulating private sector investment to deliver the best Superfast Broadband network in Europe by 2015 is one of its top priorities. It has allocated £530m within the life time of the current parliament to help support this. These funds are intended to be used for stimulating investment in broadband rollout in those areas where commercial investment alone would not otherwise happen because of the weak commercial case. This tends to be in rural and harder to reach areas, where broadband infrastructure can make a vital contribution to the growth agenda. (DCMS, 2011 p. 7)
A recent report (FrontierEconomics, 2011) commissioned by the DCMS furthers this case. The report explores the contribution that digital communication technologies can make to the growth of the UK economy. Amongst more general arguments about the role of the digital sector in economic growth, it explicitly argues for broadband as offering a number of economic benefits. These include making it easier for SMEs to ‘globalise’ their recruitment pool, improve their marketing reach, and enables public to engage with and offer improvements to public and private services. The implication is that in choosing not only which broadband provision services, but also which websites to visit and for what reason, is the job of a uniform internet-savvy citizenry.
This construction of connectivity as an economic asset is, however, problematic. A macro view of connectivity as a binary – access/no access – fails to take into account the contours of everyday connectivity, for example how disruptions to service affect individuals, or places of working on a quotidian basis. It also fails to consider the implications of how the Internet is used by individuals and groups to generate interpersonal interaction and constitutes social groupings, such as meeting friends, sharing interests or joining craft groups. Furthermore, it does not take into account questions of social, cultural and economic capital required to engage in Internet use, and how those questions – of gender, ethnicity, class, physical ability etc – will contribute to those everyday experiences of connectivity. So how have researchers theorised the types of interpersonal relations that emerge through the use of the Internet? How have the social scientists shown the implications of a diverse use of Internet tools?
ICTs, community and identity
This section of the review considers how the role of the Internet in the formation of community ties has been theorised, and the ways in which it asks us to think more deeply about how we see the community of Internet users. Haythornthwaite and Kendall (2010 pp. 1083 -1084) provide a brief overview of these literatures, and typify them as follows: first, work which engages with local geographic communities to improve access to Internet for the improvement of personal and collective social and economic capital . Second, macro-scale analyses of the impact of ICT on communities, in particular consequences of a ‘digital divide’ (Hampton, 2010). Third, analyses of emergent Internet-based activities that reflect pre-existing community/civic activities (Johnson, 2001). They subdivide these types of research as follows: wholly online activities, such as engagement in social media (Oulasvirta et al., 2010, Papacharissi, 2009); use of internet based activities to support communal/community identities (Mesch and Talmud, 2010); reconceptualisations of community based on internet, rather than geographical, ties; analyses of new identity formation and self-production in relation to ICT use in contemporary society (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001, Crawford, 2009, Turkle, 1995).
These bodies of literature certainly address the way in which interaction unfolds on the internet. They can further be broken down into the following ways of making arguments: first, the relationship between place, space and Internet and specifically the argument that the virtuality of Internet communities displaces the place-affirming nature of ‘traditional’ communities (Calhoun, 1998, Driskell and Lyon, 2002); second, the nature of interpersonal ties and to what extent they can be strengthened or weakened by the lack of face-to-face contact that digital technologies facilitate (Ling, 2004, Ling and Stald, 2010, Cammaerts, 2008); and third the depth of social engagement possible in online communities where the common ground is often superficial, such as a shared interest in a specific television programme or a computer game. The argument made is that many critiques that explore connectivity and community issues in this framework tend to be beholden to a static concept about what is needed to produce traditional community, and do so because of a short-coming in theorising the complexity of connectivity in everyday life.
These studies rely on a definition of ‘community’ to which observed social behaviours must adhere. This search for ‘authentic’ community is problematic because new forms of social interaction and communication offered by ICTs cannot be integrated easily. This is because the observations that inform these definitions of community pre-date this type of social behaviour. This concern extends to the search for ‘authentic’ friendships in online settings (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001) . The argument suggests that sharing superficial interests, the ability to present only partial constructions of identity, the boundlessness and ease of
The way in which users engage with contemporary Internet-based social media platforms as a space of creativity has also been examined. Gauntlett (2011), for example, argues that participation in photo-sharing, YouTube video making, and other forms of Web 2.0 technology are positive instances of everyday creativity. Other writers have come to different conclusions, suggesting for example that there are limits to the connectivity offered by these platforms. Cammaerts (2008) considers Habermas’ work on the public sphere to think through what happens when social networks migrate online. He suggests that despite their potential for free expression, tools such as blogging services, are still prone to mediation and influence from controlling interests.
Bennett (2001) explores similar terrain, by examining the extent to which new technology promotes new forms of surveillance (see also Curry, 1997). By thinking through the practices, sites and materiality of surveillance measures, Bennett (2001) unpacks how they operate (see also Kindberg et al., 2000). He suggests in his conclusion that the it is important to understand the World Wide Web as a form of life. So rather than assessing how new technologies impact upon society and culture, he suggests it is worth examine how new forms of life are being bought into being by our use of the Internet. Communities, or social groups and networks, are certainly examples of those phenomena.
This section of the review begins by considering the way in which British policy addresses questions of connectivity at the macro/national level. These have been linked to discourse of competition, industry and market economics, and infrastructural provision. In particular the subject of the ‘user’ is seen as an economic actor, replete with skills to choose service providers, opt in or out of subscribing to a connection, and must have requisite knowledges to navigate Internet tools and research/choose different connectivity options.
Internet usage, economic growth and broadband infrastructure
The number of spaces wherein users can access and use ICT services have been extended thanks to the emergence of PDAs, smartphones and other mobile technologies. According to the Office of National Statistics (henceforth ONS, 2011), for example, 77 per cent of households had Internet access. They also claim that 45 per cent of Internet users used a mobile phone to connect to the Internet, and 6 million people accessed the Internet using their mobile phone for the first time in 2011. Furthermore, they observe that the use of wireless hotspots by members of the public almost doubled in the last 12 months to 4.9 million users.
The growth of the use of email, bulletinboards, chatrooms, text messaging, blogging, Facebook, twitter, tumblr and beyond to communicate and shape social and working lives is also of note. The following lengthy quote from the ONS encapsulates some statistics around how the internet is being used by those surveyed:
Social networking proved to be the most popular activity among 16 to 24 year old Internet users in 2011, with 91 per cent saying they took part in social networking on websites such as Facebook or Twitter. However, this was not an activity limited to the younger age groups, with almost one fifth (18 per cent) of Internet users aged 65 and over indicating that they participated in social networking.
Overall, social networking was more popular among women, at 60 per cent, than men, at 54 per cent. Internet Access - Households and Individuals, 31 August 2011. Men were more likely to participate in professional networking over sites such as LinkedIn in 2011, with 16 per cent of male Internet users having used this online facility compared to just 9 per cent of women. It was most popular among those aged 25 to 34, with 18 per cent using these sites. Using the Internet to sell goods or services, for example via auction sites such as eBay, saw large growth in 2011. Over 12 million people, at 31 per cent of Internet users, sold goods or services online, compared to 7.9 million (21 per cent) in 2010. Just under half of those aged 25 to 34 (45 per cent) used the Internet for this activity.
Just over one in five (21 per cent) Internet users made telephone or video calls online in 2011. This activity is one which is not dominated by a specific age group, with older age groups showing similar patterns of use to the younger age groups. Of those aged 65 and over, 17 per cent used this technology, compared to 22 per cent of those under 24. (ONS, 2011 pp. 4 - 5)
These statistics emphasise the growing use of ICTs and, moreover, an increased demand for improved infrastructure in a growing market. One of the notable responses from the current UK government has been the rolling out of a policy to support the improvement of high-speed broadband infrastructure in the UK. This policy has been couched within a rhetoric of improving economic growth. By supporting commercial providers to improve broadband infrastructure in areas where there is limited provision:
The UK Government’s objective of stimulating private sector investment to deliver the best Superfast Broadband network in Europe by 2015 is one of its top priorities. It has allocated £530m within the life time of the current parliament to help support this. These funds are intended to be used for stimulating investment in broadband rollout in those areas where commercial investment alone would not otherwise happen because of the weak commercial case. This tends to be in rural and harder to reach areas, where broadband infrastructure can make a vital contribution to the growth agenda. (DCMS, 2011 p. 7)
A recent report (FrontierEconomics, 2011) commissioned by the DCMS furthers this case. The report explores the contribution that digital communication technologies can make to the growth of the UK economy. Amongst more general arguments about the role of the digital sector in economic growth, it explicitly argues for broadband as offering a number of economic benefits. These include making it easier for SMEs to ‘globalise’ their recruitment pool, improve their marketing reach, and enables public to engage with and offer improvements to public and private services. The implication is that in choosing not only which broadband provision services, but also which websites to visit and for what reason, is the job of a uniform internet-savvy citizenry.
This construction of connectivity as an economic asset is, however, problematic. A macro view of connectivity as a binary – access/no access – fails to take into account the contours of everyday connectivity, for example how disruptions to service affect individuals, or places of working on a quotidian basis. It also fails to consider the implications of how the Internet is used by individuals and groups to generate interpersonal interaction and constitutes social groupings, such as meeting friends, sharing interests or joining craft groups. Furthermore, it does not take into account questions of social, cultural and economic capital required to engage in Internet use, and how those questions – of gender, ethnicity, class, physical ability etc – will contribute to those everyday experiences of connectivity. So how have researchers theorised the types of interpersonal relations that emerge through the use of the Internet? How have the social scientists shown the implications of a diverse use of Internet tools?
ICTs, community and identity
This section of the review considers how the role of the Internet in the formation of community ties has been theorised, and the ways in which it asks us to think more deeply about how we see the community of Internet users. Haythornthwaite and Kendall (2010 pp. 1083 -1084) provide a brief overview of these literatures, and typify them as follows: first, work which engages with local geographic communities to improve access to Internet for the improvement of personal and collective social and economic capital . Second, macro-scale analyses of the impact of ICT on communities, in particular consequences of a ‘digital divide’ (Hampton, 2010). Third, analyses of emergent Internet-based activities that reflect pre-existing community/civic activities (Johnson, 2001). They subdivide these types of research as follows: wholly online activities, such as engagement in social media (Oulasvirta et al., 2010, Papacharissi, 2009); use of internet based activities to support communal/community identities (Mesch and Talmud, 2010); reconceptualisations of community based on internet, rather than geographical, ties; analyses of new identity formation and self-production in relation to ICT use in contemporary society (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001, Crawford, 2009, Turkle, 1995).
These bodies of literature certainly address the way in which interaction unfolds on the internet. They can further be broken down into the following ways of making arguments: first, the relationship between place, space and Internet and specifically the argument that the virtuality of Internet communities displaces the place-affirming nature of ‘traditional’ communities (Calhoun, 1998, Driskell and Lyon, 2002); second, the nature of interpersonal ties and to what extent they can be strengthened or weakened by the lack of face-to-face contact that digital technologies facilitate (Ling, 2004, Ling and Stald, 2010, Cammaerts, 2008); and third the depth of social engagement possible in online communities where the common ground is often superficial, such as a shared interest in a specific television programme or a computer game. The argument made is that many critiques that explore connectivity and community issues in this framework tend to be beholden to a static concept about what is needed to produce traditional community, and do so because of a short-coming in theorising the complexity of connectivity in everyday life.
These studies rely on a definition of ‘community’ to which observed social behaviours must adhere. This search for ‘authentic’ community is problematic because new forms of social interaction and communication offered by ICTs cannot be integrated easily. This is because the observations that inform these definitions of community pre-date this type of social behaviour. This concern extends to the search for ‘authentic’ friendships in online settings (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001) . The argument suggests that sharing superficial interests, the ability to present only partial constructions of identity, the boundlessness and ease of
The way in which users engage with contemporary Internet-based social media platforms as a space of creativity has also been examined. Gauntlett (2011), for example, argues that participation in photo-sharing, YouTube video making, and other forms of Web 2.0 technology are positive instances of everyday creativity. Other writers have come to different conclusions, suggesting for example that there are limits to the connectivity offered by these platforms. Cammaerts (2008) considers Habermas’ work on the public sphere to think through what happens when social networks migrate online. He suggests that despite their potential for free expression, tools such as blogging services, are still prone to mediation and influence from controlling interests.
Bennett (2001) explores similar terrain, by examining the extent to which new technology promotes new forms of surveillance (see also Curry, 1997). By thinking through the practices, sites and materiality of surveillance measures, Bennett (2001) unpacks how they operate (see also Kindberg et al., 2000). He suggests in his conclusion that the it is important to understand the World Wide Web as a form of life. So rather than assessing how new technologies impact upon society and culture, he suggests it is worth examine how new forms of life are being bought into being by our use of the Internet. Communities, or social groups and networks, are certainly examples of those phenomena.
